Reporting
The stories on this page are a combination of hard news, feature-writing, political interviews and in-depth reporting and analysis. Some pieces are no longer available online - I have reprinted them here.
Protestors are "bunch of cowards" says ANC London head
(The South African, 5 December 2011)
Kader Asmal hailed in London
(Times Live, 6 October 2011)
Shrien Dewani could stand trial in SA
(Times Live, 11 August 2011)
London riots: An eyewitness account
(The Daily Maverick, 9 August 2011)
Breathing life into the ANC abroad
(The Mail & Guardian, 25 March 2011)
SA citizen challenges Dewani extraction
(The South African, 25 March 2011)
The smiling face of white resistance
(The South African, 25 October 2010)
Heathrow drug mule: SAA kicks back
(The South African, 4 October 2010)
"You are South African, come back home": Mathews Phosa
(The South African, 5 November 2009)
Mark Gevisser: Peering over the shoulders of giants
(The South African, 11 August 2009)
Andrew Feinstein: An unreasonable man
(The South African, 6 June 2009)
Lekota: We want you to vote
(The South African, 3 March 2009)
Maroga: Electricity is the responsibility of all South Africans
(The South African, 25 July 2008)
Damning the flow of media silence
(The South African, 2 April 2008)
Mark Gevisser: Peering over the shoulders of giants
Mark Gevisser made his name by trying to understand Thabo Mbeki. He tells the Rob Boffard why he's not that keen on Zuma either. First published in The South African on 11/08/09.
For someone who has dedicated so much to time to writing about Thabo Mbeki, Mark Gevisser doesn't look even the least bit perturbed now that Jacob Zuma has replaced Mbeki as the most powerful figure in South Africa. Sitting in a Clapham Common coffee shop, the bespectacled author is fighting off the early Saturday morning with herb tea and a chocolate croissant. He's talking about how he recently used a piece in the Mail & Guardian to call Zuma the new Thabo Mbeki - a surprising comparison, since there is no love lost in that particular relationship.
"Zuma managed to prove that Mbeki had abused the organs of state in a campaign against him," explains Gevisser. "But the way Zuma did that is by abusing the organs of state himself. Because there is no possible way he could have got that information - which got him off the hook - unless someone in the National Intelligence Agency illegally gave it to him…there is a similar attitude to the state emanating from Zuma to the one that Mbeki had."
Gevisser is the author of what many consider to be one of the most important political biographies in South African history. Thabo Mbeki: The Dream Deferred took eight years to write. Despite only twenty hours of interview tape and a prickly subject ("In the book, I tell the story of a five hour meeting where he didn't offer me anything to eat. He didn't do anything except fiddle with his pipe and talk. He didn't look me in the eye!" says Gevisser) the book became an immediate go-to for anyone curious about why Mbeki did the things he did. It was published in 2007, and there is a new edition being released in the UK this year.
The book, though acknowledged as important, did not win Gevisser universal fans. He was accused of being an Mbeki apologist; of attempting to placate the critics of a man generally viewed as a deeply flawed leader. He disagrees, he says, stating that he believes it was empathy, not sympathy, that he expressed for Mbeki - he calls it "sitting on the shoulder" of his subject.
But wasn't it difficult to remain journalistically detached? "I never got attached to Mbeki," says Gevisser. And that's because he never allowed me to…Biographers work on empathy, and to gather that empathy we need a connection. I had to manufacture that empathy."
Of course, despite the new updated edition, things have changed. Writing about the Polokwane conference, where Zuma ousted Mbeki, Gevisser noted in the book that he was watching what he called a "tectonic shift" in South African politics - but now, he says, he's not so sure.
"There are significant ways in which the landscape has shifted. For a younger generation of black voters, the ANC is no longer the only choice. The shift has happened insofar as I don't think South Africans see their leaders as Gods anymore. They see their leaders as flawed human beings. Zuma is not Mandela - Mandela was perfect, he was a saint, he was a god…Why I'm not so sure any more, is because I'm not sure how deep the shift is; what we've seen in the Zuma government and campaign strikes me as a continuum. For me the most obvious example is how Zuma got himself off the hook."
South Africa in the last few years has been the site of at least one significant victory for Gevisser: the ratifying of same sex marriage. Gevisser, who has been with his partner for nineteen years, was married this year. His partner works for UNESCO in Paris, and Mark divides his time between France and South Africa. "It's an extraordinary thing," he says. "It's something that I'm incredibly proud of, that we as a country have accomplished that, and that our political leadership has played a crucial role in that." He demurs, though, when asked if being gay ever impacted on his role in the political landscape, saying that it was never an issue.
One thing that Gevisser has made very public is that, despite the apologist claims, he didn't vote for the ANC this time around. "It was difficult for me, as it was the first time I hadn't voted for the ANC. I was bothered by a ruling party that has confused party and state to such an extent that it is willing to abuse the organs of state."
Andrew Feinstein: An unreasonable man
Andrew Feinstein, the firebrand author and former South African MP, talks to Rob Boffard. First published in The South African on 06/06/09.
There is a quote on the hardback edition of After the Party: Corruption, the ANC and South Africa's uncertain future. It comes from journalist Michela Wrong. She describes the author, former ANC MP Andrew Feinstein, as "the kind of man who cannot help doggedly holding power to account."
Wrong is right, in that both the book and its author are equally earnest and outraged. Put simply, when the arms deal and leadership failures over Zimbabwe and the HIV-Aids pandemic were rotting away the core of the ANC, Feinstein took it personally.
As a member of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, Feinstein played a key role in the investigation of the arms deal. His marginalisation from the ANC as a direct result of that forms the bulk of After the Party, though the book is autobiographical enough to be called a memoir. It has sold 40,000 copies in South Africa to date. Speaking before the launch of an updated version of the book at the London School of Economics, Feinstein says he didn't plan this; he started out wanting to write about both his perception of the ANC and why it has, in his opinion, lost its way.
Feinstein is a stocky, affable man with steel-rimmed glasses. Sitting in the LSE café, he says, "The idea of autobiography or memoir doesn't appeal to me to be honest. It's far too self-revelatory…I wanted to indicate that first of all I was incredibly privileged to have the experiences I have had. Secondly, I wanted to talk about the good side of the ANC."
And despite his misgivings, there is no question of his love for the party that ended apartheid - a party that he still venerates and respects. He does, however, focus on one central figure as being almost solely responsible for the problems within the ANC today: Thabo Mbeki.
Outside of official meetings and the odd early encounter, Feinstein and Mbeki didn't cross paths much. This doesn't stop the former from painting Mbeki as a deeply dubious figure: "The opinion of Thabo - especially from those who had been in exile with him in London…was of someone played quite dirty politics behind the scenes. When I first started meeting him, after he returned to the country, during the [CODESA] negotiations, I had the idea initially that he was a charming and interesting man…I was quite impressed with him. But you kept on hearing these things…"
To detail the extent of the arms deal, which Feinstein played a crucial role in investigating and which resulted in his resignation in 2001 (he has since worked securities for Investec in London) would take all the pages in this newspaper. One of the interesting aspects of his role was how Jacob Zuma turned on him. Initially, Zuma supported the investigation - until, Feinstein claims, it was politically advantageous to support the deal itself, at which point all contact with the investigations team was cut off.
Asked what he would say to Zuma if their paths crossed today, Feinstein has to ponder for a moment. "I would say to him that I was disappointed in what he'd done, and how disappointed I'd been subsequently…and the fact that I believe that he will try at whatever cost to avoid having a day in court in terms of the corruption allegations. And I'd say to him that I think he did it because there is overwhelming evidence that he has a case to answer."
The time surrounding his resignation was a turbulent one, for both Feinstein and his family - even if he now acknowledges that the experience gave him credence as an analyst and as a political commentator. Ever the politician, he initially subtly deflects a question about his personal life, but later returns to it in detail. "I regret the turbulence which was very unsettling not just for me but for my family," he says. "It's sometimes easier to be involved in the day-to-day business of it rather than my wife who sees me coming home and wants to know what the hell is going on. But I don't regret the decision I made... I don't regret it even though it ended my formal career. I regard myself as still being involved in politics, in a way that I am more comfortable with, where I don't have to compromise my values."
Later, in a talk to launch the book, Feinstein will say something enormously revealing: despite the fact that he claims that South Africa is enormously healthy and has made significant strides under the ANC, it "is a slightly less equal country than it was in 1994."
Mosiuoa Lekota: We want you to vote
South Africans living abroad must have the right to vote, according to Mosiuoa 'Terror' Lekota. Rob Boffard reports. First published in The South African on 03/03/2009,
Speaking to the South African before his speech to the SA Business Club in London, the leader of the Congress of the People (COPE) railed against the ruling African National Congress (ANC) who are currently engaged in a court battle to deny South Africans abroad the right to vote. "Alongside other opposition parties, we have been insisting that a right granted by the constitution cannot be taken away from people purely on the basis that they are working abroad," he said.
"They should be allowed to vote, like any other citizen. It's the responsibility of the state to provide facilities and make them available, to make it possible for them to vote." Lekota insisted that COPE were "part of the effort at home to get people abroad to vote. We want them to vote." The Democratic Alliance and the Freedom Front Plus are among the parties that won a victory at the High Court for South Africans abroad to vote. The ANC subsequently appealed to the Constitutional Court, which is expected to rule on the matter this week.
Lekota also criticised ANC members' comments about his party's nomination for the presidency, Reverend Mvume Dandala. Last week, ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema said it was "revealing" that COPE had chosen Dandala over Lekota and deputy leader Mbhazima Shilowa, both former ANC politicians.
Lekota defended Dandala's credentials as the leader of a party campaigning heavily on an anti-corruption stance: "He is an individual who has distinguished himself as part of the struggle, distinguished himself as a servant of the people at home and on the continent, and who continues to harbour the energy to make further contributions. What is the objection to him?"
Lekota went on to criticise ANC leader Jacob Zuma, currently facing a court battle not to stand trial on charges of corruption. "Why has the African National Congress offered to the country a leader who is faced with charges of fraud, racketeering, money laundering and all of that? Whilst it says to the population, with or without corruption, we are going to give you Zuma."
COPE has come under fire in the past week for the nomination of Allan Boesak as their candidate for the Western Cape in the upcoming elections. Boesak was convicted of fraud relating to misuse of party funds in 1999. He subsequently received a pardon from former President Thabo Mbeki in 2005.
Challenged by a member of the audience after his speech to the SA Business Club, Lekota claimed that Boesak was fit to lead, saying that the Presidential pardon had "expunged" his record. Earlier, Lekota said: "I do not know what evidence was tabled before the president. But all of us know that presidential pardons have the effect of expunging a conviction, and it is to say that the person is as good as having never been convicted. He is quite entitled [to lead], he is quite appropriate because there is now not against his name any conviction and in terms of our law he is therefore able to do that."
Lekota himself has come under fire in the past week for his views on HIV-Aids. A report by News24 said that he had refused to denounce the ANC government's history of dealing with HIV-Aids. However, he strenuously denied to the South African that he stood by the beliefs of former President Mbeki, who came under international criticism for his ineffectual dealings with the Aids crisis.
"At no stage ever have I said that I don't believe that HIV doesn't cause Aids," said Lekota. "I've never said that. It's a very serious misinterpretation. It's a fallacy, in fact, to say that." Lekota would subsequently tell the BBC that he accepted that the virus causes Aids and that he "did not necessarily support" Mbeki's position.
As the campaigning for the election gets into swing, both COPE and the ANC have been victim of defections on all levels of membership. The ANC claimed over the weekend that nearly 300 COPE members in the North West Province had left to join the ruling party. The ANC itself was hit with a serious loss when former Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka joined the new party. COPE spokesman Sipho Ngwema confirmed that she had joined on Sunday.
Jacob Maroga: Electricity is the responsibility of all South Africans
Front-page news story. First published in The South African on 25/07/08.
South Africans must make a serious effort to reduce their need for power if there is to be no load-shedding for the 2010 Soccer World Cup, according to Eskom.
CEO Jacob Maroga said that simply building power stations will not be enough. According to Maroga, the demand for power will come not from the World Cup itself but from the massive preparations leading up to it. He believes that this is something that South Africans need to take to heart.
"The challenge is, how do we as a country reduce demand for electricity?" said Maroga. "It's a national question; it's not an Eskom issue at all."
Maroga was speaking while on a European 'roadshow', intended to raise capital for Eskom's expansion program. Along with Senior General Manager Fani Zulu and Financial Director Bongani Nqwababa, Maroga has been speaking to heads of financial institutions and investment houses in Frankfurt, Paris and London.
Eskom is hoping to augment a R60 billion government loan with foreign investment in their ambitious R350 billion program. It intends to resurrect idle power stations which have been mothballed since the 1980s; the excess power supply at that time meant they were not required until now.
In addition, the utility plans to expand its nuclear program, reducing South Africa's dependence on coal.
The ultimate goal is to double Eskom's total power output, from 40,000 megawatts to 80,000, by 2025. Maroga says he wants half of this to come from nuclear plants. He rejected claims from environmentalist groups that nuclear power is unsafe, saying that there was a "worldwide consensus" about the safety of nuclear energy.
Maroga said that while some of the current responsibility for power reduction heading to the World Cup lies in the hands of South Africans, he is confident that the expansion program has attracted serious interest.
"It has been a very positive experience," he said of the roadshow. "Because of the current world financial situation, banks are now focussing on their prime customers, and we are one of those. Industry analysts understand the dynamics of the problem, and there is a big interest in the South African story and the Eskom story."
The roadshow took place as Eskom was under fire in South Africa. Despite no official load shedding taking place since April, distribution problems have continued to dog the utility. Eskom has also been the target of rating agencies; the National Energy Regulator of South Africa (NERSA) had previously insisted that it keep a close eye on its credit rating.
Due in part to rising energy costs, Eskom has also seen its operating profits shrink from R5 billion to R1 billion, and is now aiming to increase its tariffs to between 20 and 25 per cent.
Responding to the criticisms, Maroga said that the country had previously enjoyed cheap power because of excess capacity in the 1990s.
"We had some of the cheapest electricity in the world," he said. "However, we were and are not the most efficient. The issue is to be efficient and to continue providing the best service we can."
Maroga declined to comment on the claim, made by Silas Zimu of City Power, that Johannesburg will be the only city in the country not to load-shed again.
Damning the flow of media silence
Opinion piece. First published in The South African 02/04/08.
The arrest of newspaper editors is not something one expects to happen in South Africa - not anymore. Bolivia ? Sure. Russia ? Arrested and then shot "for escaping". But not South Africa . The agitating for the arrest, therefore, of Sunday Times editor Mondli Makhanya and his deputy managing editor Jocelyn Maker by the government are, to put it mildly, worrying.
On face value, Makhanya and Maker are accused of theft. The Sunday Times recently published a series of articles examining the conduct of Health Minister Manto Tshabala-Msimang. The paper, through medical records it had obtained, alleged that the Minister, during a stay at the Cape Town Mediclinic in 2005, acted abusively towards staff, washed down medicine with alcohol and generally behaved like a prat. Now, she has accused the paper of theft of the medical records pertaining to this case and of violating patient/doctor confidentiality.
It is tempting to jump headlong into conspiracy theories, especially when it emerges that Makhanya and Maker's phones were allegedly being tapped at the request of the government, who told police officers to "dig up dirt" on the pair. Tshabala-Msimang has had a contentious relationship with the South African media - and with good reason, thanks to her interestingly backward health policies and her arse-about-face approach to running a department. However, one cannot simply assume that Manto has pulled some strings to disrupt the fine investigative efforts of the Sunday Times (although she is quite capable of doing so). There exists, at least, a prima facie case here, the charge being that Makhanya and Maker were complicit in the theft of the documents.
This implies that either Makhanya, Maker or one of their staff at their behest knowingly, and with deliberate intent, removed the documents from the possession of their rightful owners. This is, press freedom considerations aside for the moment, what the case rests on. And it falls flat on its face at every level.
To suggest that Makhanya and Maker, at their level of journalistic experience and ethics, would knowingly steal secret documents is to flirt with the ridiculous, and there is evidence which backs this up. The documents in question were in fact offered to the Sunday Times for a cash fee, and had previously been offered to Die Beeld, which declined to publish. The Sunday Times claims, however, that no money changed hands in their receiving the documents. Makhanya and Maker are bound by a journalistic code of ethics to keep their source secret - as they should be.
Nor were they out of line in publishing this information. A High Court Enquiry has already sorted this out; Judge Mahomed Jajbhay ruled that there was, according to Independent Newspapers, "a pressing need for the public to be informed about the minister's conduct [and ruled that] that the paper was free to comment on [the documents]." Which makes perfect sense - after all, do you want a Minister of Health who acts in such a manner?
So where does this, then, leave the case against the Sunday Times? Answer: in the middle of sweet bugger-all.
Without wishing to jump back into conspiracy theory land, press freedom is the issue here, not the alleged theft of documents. Whether Manto or Thabo Mbeki like it or not, the South African press has a deserved reputation for critical judgement of the country's leaders. One cannot simply "dig up dirt" on an editor simply because one disagrees with his or her editorial stance. Start meddling there, and the whole democratic house of cards comes crashing down.
The South African National Editors Forum has already condemned the "outrageous" actions of the authorities, but it may be a case of the stable door. Still, SANEF has to say something.
If Makhanya and Maker are arrested for theft, they will go to trial - and to Makhanya's credit he has said that if this occurs they will not seek intervention from a higher authority, and will allow the trial to go ahead. If this happens, I have no doubt they will be completely exonerated. Manto will sit in her ivory tower fuming away, while the Sunday Times sticks a middle finger up and continues to perform the editorial and investigative duties its readership expects from it.
But there is a much greater drama at play: the fact is that a government minister, with full blessing from her superiors, has attempted to arrest a newspaper editor because she didn't like what he said about her. This isn't Zuma threating cartoonist Zapiro with defamation of character lawsuits - that was a niggling annoyance, a curio in the long history of corrupt leaders in South Africa , and a million kilometres from what is unfolding here. The Sunday Times' plight speaks to a greater undercurrent of feeling within government, and one can only hope someone sticks a ruddy great dam in the flow.
Legal: The copyright to all words on this page is held by Rob Boffard. All material was first published in the sources indicated. All photography was supplied to the publications for press purposes and is merely being reprinted here. Unauthorised reproduction, copying and use will earn your ass a beat down.
